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The data costs for such an operation would be astronomical.When Birmingham, Alabama, instituted a bodycam program, the cost of storage (9,000) was five times the cost of the body cameras themselves (about 0,000), while the entire budget of the Birmingham Police department in 2015 was about million.This is exactly what happened in Carrboro, North Carolina, where the municipal government, the police, and the ACLU worked together to create a bodycam policy, aided by robust debate and community input.The comprehensive draft policy governs recording, retention, and access, while weighing in at only 12 pages.But even this amount of storage proved to be insufficient: the whole data allotment was used up within two months.On the other hand, allowing officers too much discretion over when to record is also problematic.When a bodycam-wearing New Orleans police officer shot a man in the head during a traffic stop, she claimed that she had turned the camera off minutes earlier because she was nearing the end of her shift, despite a department policy requiring recording of all traffic stops.The Police Superintendent called the incident a "snafu," while critics called it a "cover-up." Whatever the truth in New Orleans, the problem is apparent.
These rules need to address when cameras should be rolling, how long footage is stored, and whether and in what form they are available to the public.
Even many cops favor them, saying they will corroborate and justify police action.
But as many are learning, cameras pose problems too.
However, such a system requires detailed rules enabling footage that could potentially be used as evidence of a crime or officer misconduct to be flagged so it won't be deleted.
Finally, there is the issue of who has access to the footage. If so, who should foot the bill for the substantial cost of editing out private material depicting innocent civilians?